The Understandable Frequency
Radio Pannon's Programming

Radio Pannon /1/ began broadcasting in Budapest on FM 99.5 MHz on 20 August 2000, but the station had already provoked heated debate beforehand among Hungarian politicians, media experts and lay people. The particular combination of owners and the anticipated team of editors and program producers gave rise to the fear that the radio station would be connected to the Magyar Igazság és Élet Párt (MIÉP - The Hungarian Truth and Life Party) or, indeed, serve as its mouthpiece.
On numerous occasions Attila Gidófalvy, the majority shareholder in Gido Média Kft, which owns the radio station, denied the accusations in the press of closeness to MIÉP and the media. However, many were astonished by, for example, the initial signal played at the outset of the trial broadcast-a rewritten irredenta song /2/. Gidófalvy asserts that this was simply intended to imply that people should not be ashamed of being Hungarian. The concept sketched out by the owner is that the radio station shall broadcast exclusively Hungarian songs and offer a particularly high proportion of news programming, while at the same time aiming to remaining distanced from everyday politics /3/. However, since the launching of its broadcasts many have come to view the station differently, and from time to time accusations of closeness to MIÉP and of broadcasting extremist ideologies have been made against the station. The opinion has also been voiced that the contents of Radio Pannon's programming are problematic under constitutional and criminal legislation and consequently belong to the competence of the courts /4/.
These are serious accusations, yet, as far as we know, no quantitative or content analysis of Radio Pannon programming has been undertaken, which is why members of the Hungarian Press Freedom Center have carried out this study. For us, a fundamental issue was to establish the extent to which the operation of the radio station abides by the rules and regulations of the Act on Radio and Television (1996/I). We also examined: the principles of program editing; practice in choosing interviewees and topics; the interpretation of the professional role of program hosts; as well as the worldview transmitted by the radio station (for methodology in analysis see the framed materials below).

Representation of Minorities

On 23 July, on Nagyító ('Magnifying Glass'), a magazine program dealing with current political issues, the situations and problems of Transylvanian Hungarians were discussed. The invited guest was Emil Bogdán, a MIÉP parliamentary representative. He declared that the aim to be reached there was total territorial and cultural autonomy, and in relation to that he remarked that "a third of the nation is under foreign siege, we should say, of a certain hostile character." He continued, referring to an unnamed source, "an English paper wrote that 22 million little Caučescus are living in Romania, so its people are nationalistic and chauvinistic to that extent." The program's host acknowledged the statement without comment or counter-opinion. The program was a discussion concerning the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania, in which context the identification of Romania's entire population with the figure of the despised erstwhile dictator is, we believe, likely to incite hatred of the Romanian people and to be to the detriment of the Romanian majority and, consequently, is a violation of the Act on Radio and Television, § 3, (2) and (3) /5/.
On 24 July in Szabad Magyarország Hangja ('The Voice of Free Hungary'), a telephone chat program, the program host talked to the listeners about the "gay tent" to be set up on Pepsi Sziget/6/. Many offensive and abusive expressions were heard in the program concerning those belonging to the homosexual minority /7/, "this filthy bunch Pepsi Island [...] can have their enlightening lectures [...] this rotten bunch of queers. [...] What minority [...] the IRA and ETA are missed very much here." These words were broadcast without the program host entering into any debate about the content or the tone of the caller.
The same issue was the focus of a part of a discussion program on 26 July between 16.00-17.30. A listener held homosexuals as a group to be solely responsible for the spread of AIDS, what is more, the caller referred to the disease as God's providence, "whichever way we look at it, in the end the homosexuals are responsible for HIV having appeared at all in the first place [...] and really its spread as well, that this virus could develop so much, well I don't mean to say that God's providence was the only reason, but that also had a part in it." The response from the host of the program was "I see, thank you for sharing your opinion."
On 28 July, Hétfőtől péntekig ('From Monday to Friday'), a political weekly on home affairs, again discussed gays in connection with the Pepsi Sziget. In connection with the court's decision (according to which homosexual organisations were able to set up their tents at the event) a listener who called in on the telephone came to the conclusion that homosexuals are a majority in the court and that they had brought about legislation biased against the heterosexual majority, "the court that brought this decision, well there are many more among them who are poofs than not, because if that were not the case I am sure that such disgusting legislation as this would not have been brought in." In his response the program's host put forward the protection of youth in opposition to the ban on discrimination and used a pejorative expression for the sexual minority, "on the one hand there is the protection of youth [...] and on the other the general rule of the ban on discrimination. These two clash from a legal perspective and here the court decided for the queers." Thus he offered a precedent to the listeners who then felt they could freely use the term 'queer', among other offensive expressions such as 'rats'.
Alongside the three cited quotes we heard numerous similar examples in the course of the programs, and on these given days they also unquestionably violated the Act on radio and Television § 3, (2) and (3). The use of offensive expressions, the attribution of exclusive responsibility for the appearance of HIV to homosexual people, or the statement that the court's decision discriminated against the majority are sufficient cause to incite hatred against the sexual minority, together and individually they intend to offend the minority group. The regret concerning the absence of the ETA or IRA terror organisations in the above context implicitly calls for the minority to be threatened, even with physical harm.
Between 22.00 and 24.00 on 27 July, the program host again chatted with the listeners. A telephone caller read out the following text "You Jews are human, but the goys /8/ are not. It is only forbidden to steal from a Jew, and sinning with a Jewish woman is no sin. The oath does not tie you against a non-Jew-i.e. a non-human' According to the little book in my hand, these are quotes from the Talmud." These words are not written in the Talmud, they are known to be anti-Semitic creations /9/. Nonetheless, the program host did not question their origins, and in fact even reinforced the words, "Unfortunately, I knew this chapter, but perhaps many of our listeners did not." After this the listener remarked that knowing this quote perhaps we could better understand the reasons behind what is happening around us, and the events and phenomena that had been discussed in the program /10/.
On 24 July, in Futótűz ('Wildfire') in connection with the sale of Ferencváros /11/ a listener said the following, "A 150 member non-gypsy band [laughter in the background] went to Israel. How long is this Holocaust without a gas chamber against the Palestinians going to last, they don't know when to stop [...] They have gone crazy, they are doing this business-Holocaust and they have received many billions already [...] O.K., there were problems, as I recall from my childhood [...] but let us stop for a second [...] there we go, that these do what they want here and there, too, and everywhere, everyone has to be trampled. I lived through the Second World War as a child, but those German fascists did not shoot at children throwing stones [...] they want the whole World to dance to their tune. I've had enough of them." "Aren't you afraid that you will be labelled as anti-Semitic?" asked the program host. The listener's answer was that "they are spreading anti-Semitism, read the Protocols of the Wise Elders of Zion. What they are doing is all beautifully written down there."
The quoted excerpt from the Protocols of the Wise Elders of Zion is generally recognised to be fraudulent, although the program's host makes no reference to that, instead concluding the conversation with the following, "what we have just heard is thought provoking, if we think about Hungarian politicians saying how much millitary service is necessary, that a three-four month period would do [...] on the other hand when they go to Israel they support three years of millitary service."
In the same program, another caller talked about the Israeli foreign minister's Hungarian visit and the Israeli situation, "the Israeli foreign minister was invited to pay an official visit to Hungary by MAZSIHISZ /12/ [...] accordingly, a delegation went to Israel where they were met with a standing ovation as the greatest of friends because they had stood up for Israel [...] which is known to be indescriminately killing off Palestinians [...] once he [the Israeli foreign minister] comes to Hungary on an official trip, I believe, the Hungarian government should know about that in some way, that is, if they invited him officially. Or is it possible that it is not the Hungarian government that is official in this country? [...] could it be that Israel is running the Hungarian government, too?" The host answered that, "I am not at all surprised by this. Among the 150 member delegation that went out there were those most likely to support the interests of Israel in the Hungarian Parliament on Hungarian money [...] we are protecting not only ourselves, but also a small state living in the grip of the Arabs, where even 10-12 year old children endanger the existance of Israel. [...] Unfortunately, it is an exceptionally sad thing." The listener responded, " The Hungarian people, the Hungarian nation ought to know what unprincipled action MAZSIHISZ has begun, perhaps in the name of the Hungarian government." The program host pondered, "I also have a slight feeling, that it is to threaten us."
Several similar anti-semitic utterences were heard in the examined program flow, both implicitely and completely explicitly, and what was heard could undoubtedly incite hatred of a nation or a religious group, and overtly or covertly offend a minority, and is consequently a violation of § 3, (2) and (3) of the Act on Radio and Television.

Bias and party ties

The fundamental criterium of the principle of variety and balance phrased in the Act o Radio and Television is that figures competing in the political arena should all be offered a chance to appear in the media. However, Radio Pannon does not abide by this regulation. The political ties of the studio guests offered a voice in the programming is shown in figures 1 and 2.

Figure 1. The distribution of the party ties of guests invited to appear on Radio Pannon in the examined period

2. ábra. A vizsgált időszakban a Pannon Rádió stúdiójába meghívott pártkötődésű szereplők aránya

Figure 2. The distribution of guests with party ties invited to the studios of Radio Pannon in the examined period /13/

Non party affiliated guests were invited to the studio on four occasions in the period of study: once there was a lawyer dealing with land issues and on three occasions there were representatives of the press. Among these was József Hering, a journalist with Magyar Fórum/14/ who appeared twice, and once Szilárd Szonyi a journalist with Heti Válasz /15/. Magyar Fórum is known to have strong connections with MIÉP and the president of the newspaper's editorial board is István Csurka, president of MIÉP.
Among the program hosts there are also a number of people who are connected in some way to a particular party, namely MIÉP. Lóránt Hegedus junior, a MIÉP parliamentary representative, has his own program; Tibor Franka, Zsuzsanna Hegedus and Feró Nagy (editors, program hosts) all have strong publicly known connections to the party-all three of them were MIÉP parliamentary representative candidates and will be again in the 2002 elections. This party political connection would not be a problem in itself, but the biased selection of interviewees illustrated above, and given that the program editing and direction is one-sided excludes the possibility of retaining the degree of balance specified at various points in the Act on Radio and Television. The two examples below are intended to illustrate the blurring of the borders between the editorial board and MIÉP.
In connection with the sale of FTC, the broadcaster's editors found two reports important enough to broadcast in their entirety several times over a day. These were the standpoints of MIÉP's president on the case and then István Csurka's report on the Ferencváros case /16/. Another typical problem in relation to program direction, is that when a caller told listeners, "there is hope, vote for MIÉP and it will put things straight, I am sure of that; hundreds and hundreds and hundreds of thousands must go and vote, and each put their cross next to MIÉP", then the host (Tibor Franka) answered in total agreement and with a tinge of regret, "that's it, but everybody decides alone."
In conclusion, the above examples unambiguously demonstrate that in the examined period the appearance of political figures on Radio Pannon was strikingly one-sided and served the propagation of one party's views, that is MIÉP's, in violation of the Act o Radio and Television § 4 (1) and (2) /17/.

Editorial principles and Orientation of Topics

The programs in the examined program flow can be ordered into two groups according to their editorial principles. In one, the invited guests characteristically elaborate on topics defined by the host. Here the choice of guest (and with it the topic) greatly favours one political power (see figures 1 and 2). The other type of program characteristically invites the listeners to chat with the host about currently high profile social and political events and 'cases'. Here, in practice, it is the host who raises topics, but the listeners can talk about anything and can feel that they are editing the program. The topics in this later program type are identical to those of the previous group. In essence, of the eighteen examined programs, the most frequently occurring topic groups were the following: globalisation; the activities of international financial organisations (four times); Trianon and the situation of Hungarians outside of Hungary's borders (five times); the homosexual minority (six times); the Jews and the State of Israel (twelve times). The selected topics are unquestionably those most popular among the Hungarian radical right wing. Considered alongside the political ties of the various figures appearing on the radio's programming, it can be established that the hosts have avoided even the appearance of any multifacetedness or balance in most parts of the program making process.
The professional interpretation of the roles of programme hosts can generally be divided into two groups. According to one view, the task of the program-makers is exclusively to provide factual content alongside the standpoints of public figures on the facts. In this view, the clear division between fact, opinion and commentary is of great importance. The other view is that creative media professionals have certain didactic tasks such as shaping the opinions, political convictions and worldview of the listener. Listening to Radio Pannon it became abundantly clear that its hosts and editors embrace this latter view. This interpretation of the role has several dangers. Commitment to a particular framework of views or an ideological path can lead to one-sided information giving and to manipulation. A biased host can even go as far as popularising a certain political party, which in this case is what happened.
On 23 July the Szép magyar sors ('Lovely Hungarian Fate') program was about Jews. The host cited Dezso Szabó, someone with a rather dubious oeuvre, as an indisputable moral and political authority. Then, continuing with his train of thought, he referred to István Csurka's views on Hungarian intellectuals. He failed to maintain any distance from either cited 'authority', thus making his own beliefs and suggested values obvious. On 25 of July, the host of Aktuálpolitikai Magazin ('Current Political Magazine') introduced the discussion with the following comment, "At their regular weekly press conference the Magyar Igazság és Élet Pártja discussed the issues around the Fradi-Fotex anti-national transaction," that is, the host did not refer to it as a 'transaction viewed by MIÉP as being against the national interest' and thus he identified himself with the party's standpoint before asking a representative of that party to comment on the topic.
On 23 July, the host of Szép Magyar Sors implied that the interests of MIÉP and the Hungarians are identical when he posed the question, "What hope do the Magyar Igazság és Élet Pártja and the Hungarians have in the next election cycle of the twenty-first century?"
On 24 July 2001, in Futótuz a listener said that he was actually not bothered by homosexuals, to which the host responded "oh, but they do disturb you, otherwise you would not have made this phone call, just look into yourself." This statement evidently expresses an expectation of the listener and denotes the 'only correct' way of thinking. It creates a communicational situation in which emotional identification is obligatory and any possible counter-opinion would automatically place the listener on the 'other side'.

The Desireable Worldview

Among the most striking characteristics of this radio station is that it transmits a certain worldview, a kind of dual schematism is its foundation and appears in each chosen topic and discussion, offering an explanation for all the things that happen in the world in the most simplistic way: good-bad or we-they. The radio station's slogan is "the understandable frequency" and its program titles, for example Szabad Magyarország Hangja ('Voice of Free Hungary'), or Magyarok fovárosa-Budapesti híradó ('The Hungarians' Capital-Budapest News) show that in this dihcotomy the radio station and the audience that shares its views stand on the 'Hungarian side'. On the 'other side' stand the left-wing press, globalisation which is harmful to the Hungarians, multinational companies, liberalism, Freemasons, Jews, the State of Israel, homosexuals, the Magyar Szocialista Párt /18/, and the Szabad Demokrata Párt /19/ and George Soros. The focal element of the transmitted worldview is anti-Semitism, and the other elements are built around this ideology: historicised (but ahistorical) and ethno-centric nationalism, anti-liberalism and xenophobia.
In the course of the programs monitored, by far the most frequent topics were the Jews and Israel which appeared in an almost entirely negative context. The program producers, their guests and the telephoning listeners arrived at the subject of 'the Jews' from the most varied issues (from 'backhander' deals, through globalisation to Pál Lakatos's replacement). This is the perspective that always sees the same thing (the Jews) behind any problems. Listening to the radio station one encounters the whole gamut of archetypal anti-Semitic utterences, which are listed below.

Christian anti-judaism
The abovementioned pseudo-quotes from the Talmud belong here and concern the fundamentally anti-Christian and immoral (from a religious perspective) standpoint of the Jews, as well as the denial of Jesus' Jewishness. A listener's telephone call, "They go banging on about how Jesus was a Jew, well, if a single hair on his head was connected to the Jews..."/20/

The global conspiracy managed by international Jewish freemasonary
A listener's telephone call, "Jewish Zionist imperialism intends to build the new Zion, its new homeland, the western bastion of its world-sovereignity here in Budapest and with Hungary joined onto it. Communism [the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919] was only a hasty attempt in that direction. The Jew is building a homeland for himself at a tremendous speed, for you Hungarians-a tomb." The listener then told us that the quote is from Dezso Szabó, 1921 and remains true today. The host's answer was that, "unfortunately, the power struggle has remained the same since, with or despite two World Wars. The same political and world-political battles are being fought; of course Dezso Szabó could not know then that 80 years later it would still be valid." The caller replied, "there is a background power of immense strength that rules the fate of the world." The program host's reaction, "the logical series is absolutely correct." /21/
Listener, "she [Katalin Kondor, President of Hungarian Radio] compromised with these Freemason ex-communists [...] and replaced Pál Lakatos /22/ [...] the same Freemason species is on the leftwing and on the side of capital-the public enemies of humankind, there is no other species on earth as racist, anyway, everyone knows who it's about." The program host, "Yes, indeed it is a very solid alliance of interests." Listener, "This style can be observed in the Middle-East. [...] Some Hamas leader is murdered on a daily basis, this is only possible with their methods, as they infiltrate the parties, everywhere [...] they work the same way throughout the world, and they also do so in these globalised activities [...] There is no need for such blood-sucking people."/23/ The above-cited reference to the Protocols of the Wise Elders of Zion belongs in this category as well.

The press is controlled by Jews
Program host, "I cannot ask Mr. Bronfmann /24/ to show, if possible, one of István Csurka's plays instead of Heti Hetes on RTL Klub /25/ [...] if by any chance a, let's say, MIÉP sympathiser works there [in the media] now he or she must be ever so quiet [...] I think he or she must be wearing a vast yellow ribbon in their buttonhole or something, so that it would not show even by accident." /26/
The studio guest is Béla Gyori, a MIÉP spokesman, referring to his dismissal from Hungarian Radio, "Mr. Soros came to the conclusion that he would work through the Antall regime to get Csaba Gombár /27/ to kick me out, and so Csaba Gombár kicked me out." /28/

Anti-Zionism and Anti-Israelism /29/
A listener's telephone call, "the MAZSIHISZ has influence, so it is an absolutely extremist, one could say Zionist organisation in Hungary [...] They don't throw stones, but shoot with guns at the innocent, and vilely exploit and tread on everybody." /29/ Among other examples, those sections already cited concerning the 'Holocaust against the Palestinians' and Israel's 'war crimes' also belong in this category.

General Anti-Semitic Stereotypes /30/
Listener's telephone call, "it is terribly obvious what the game is about, that they have to get out of there, what they created for them fifty years ago, this area, water is going to be a strategic question. In Hungary we drill down every five centimetres and either spa water comes up or mineral water [...] They want this territory, they are edging towards it, but they don't even know how to drill wells, they would get nowhere without us, they can only be parasites upon us because isolated as a group they would be incapable, because they would go hungry." Host, "thank you for sharing your valuable comments with us." /31/
A listener's telephone call, "what's it to Haraszti /32/ and the like, what happens in the Hungarian democracy, in the press what's it to Tamás Gáspár /33/, they are not Hungarians [...] If I was a Jew, I wouldn't strain myself here, I would have long been lying in the grave next to Golda Meir [...] and we should know one more thing, how many Jews came home up until 1950, after all, the list is there. [...] and then there is Majtényi /34/ -I guess he, too, is one of the family-they didn't allow us to know, and so in the end perhaps a hundred thousand Jews are bossing us around, but it could be five hundred thousand for that matter."/35/
A listener's telephone call, "[the industry] is all in western and mostly Israeli hands. [...] The [ex-Soviet] Jews left for Israel through Hungary, but then the Israelis don't feel good there, and they would feel better here, well now they would like to immigrate to Hungary, and sooner or later there won't be any Hungarian-ness in Hungary and instead it will be a Central Israeli state." /36/
A listener's telephone call, "and I shall not swallow any Jews saying that I am anti-Semitic, nationalist, irredenta /37/ and racist, and other things [...] I shall not swallow aliens labelling me in my homeland." /38/

Conclusion

From the above it is evident that Radio Pannon's operation routinely violates several points of the Act on Radio and Television, and that the radio station does not meet the professional requirements of program making, nor the basic ethical norms of journalism. The lack of compliance with § 3 (2) and (3) and § 4 (1) and (2) is especially worrying. The program hosts disregard the requirements for a balanced and multifaceted information service that appears at several points in the Act on radio and Television, and unambiguously propagate a political ideology. Springing from their interpretation of their role, their topic orientation is ideologised and they one-sidedly choose their interview subjects. The program makers do not allow any scope for including opinions outside their own preconceptions. The program makers, their studio guests and the listeners who call in all frequently refer to Hungarian interests and Hungarian-ness, while at the same time demanding the right to decide what qualifies as a Hungarian interest, who stands against it, as well as who is Hungarian and who is not. Program titles, such as Szabad Magyarország Hangja carry a message on the basis of which the audience places the radio station and its ideology into the dichotomy outlined above.
The world-view broadcast by the radio station is schematic, exclusive and with anti-Semitism as a focal point. Examining utterances in the course of programs, the classical theses of Hungarian and international anti-Semitism can be encountered. At the same time, the program makers and their interview subjects refuse to be labelled anti-Semitic. Their arguments are simple: we are not anti-Semitic because we say that we are not anti-Semitic. The above citations, however, do not concur. They feed on the thoughts and writings of predecessors who openly admitted to the ideology of anti-Semitism /39/. All this leads towards an incitement to hatred that appears openly in the programs alongside euphemistic anti-Semitic utterances embedded in coded expressions. With this, the radio is taking a fair share in the process by which statements, compound expressions and theories that used to be viewed as unpalatable by the majority in polite society are becoming commonplace in everyday speech. The course that programs are taking, therefore, is a warning sign, a symptom of an era and a disease, and as such is not isolated. The worldview propagated by the radio station shows many similarities with the ideology of MIÉP, as well as that transmitted by the weekly newspapers Magyar Fórum and Magyar Demokrata /40/, or the program Vasárnapi Újság /41/ broadcast on the public service station Radio Kossuth.

The basis for our study is what could be heard on Radio Pannon in programs with political topics in week 30 (23-29 July, 2001). The quantitative aspect of our examinations was less important than the qualitative, descriptive and analytic text analyses of the flow of programs. We have studied all broadcasts in the week that exclusively dealt with social and political issues, and where the program host discussed the questions he had posed with studio guests or the listeners. Thus the news programs, magazine programs featuring non-political topics or music content were excluded from the sample. Even in this way, the examined broadcasting time exceeded 20 hours, and as such serves as a sufficient basis for establishing sound conclusions.

We analysed the following programs: 23 July 2001 Nagyító ['Magnifying Glass'] (18.00-19.00), Szép magyar sors ['Lovely Hungarian Fate'] (20.00-21.00) and A nap hordaléka ['The Sediment of the Day'] (22.00-23.00); 24 July 2001 Közgyulési hírek ['Public Meeting News'] (13.10-13.30), Futótuz ['Wildfire'] (16.00-18.00) and Szabad Magyarország Hangja ['The Voice of Free Hungary1] (21.00-23.00); 25 July 2001 Aktuálpolitikai Magazin ['Current Political Magazin'] (11.00-11.30), a studio discussion (16.05-17.00) and Magyarok fovárosa - Budapesti Híradó ['Hungarians' capital-Budapest news'] (19.00-20.00); 26 July 2001 Pontos ido ['Exact time'] (08.00-09.00), Ez a beszéd ['That's the line'] (16.00-17.30) and a phone-in discussion (22.00-24.00); 27 July 2001 Heti újságíró kerekasztal ['Weekly Reporters' Round Table'] (14.30-16.00), Péntek 4 óra ['Friday 4 o'clock'] (16.00-17.30) and two phone-in discussions (17.45-19.00 and 22.00-24.00); 28 July 2001 Tallózó ['Browsing'] (13.00-14.00) and Hétfotol péntekig ['From Friday to Monday'] (15.00-17.00).

/1/ "We do not need anyone else's river, we do not need anyone else's peak, only the Hungarian hills and the Hungarian steppe as God measured them out long ago." After World War I, huge territories, including Transylvania, and millions of native Hungarians were detached from the country, which later gave rise to 'irredenta' political movements that reclaimed the lost territories. The song used for the station's signal was borrowed from the arsenal of these movements.
/2/ "Franka edits and Feró Nagy hosts the programs," in Magyar Hírlap, 12 Sept. 2000.
/3/ "Codified incitement is difficult to prove…" in Magyar Hírlap, 18 April 2000.
/4/ § 3 (2) "The program service must respect the constitutional order of the Hungarian Republic and its activities must not violate human rights and must not incite against persons, genders, peoples, nations or national, ethnic, linguistic and other minorities, or against any church or religious group."
§ 3 (3) "The program service should not overtly or covertly aim to offend any minority or majority group or to present or to disapprove of them on racial grounds."
/5/ 'Pepsi Island' is an annual pop festival. Among several other NGOs, gay associations intended to set up information tents on the island, which the mayor of District 3 of Budapest (where the island is located) tried to prevent.
/6/ By the end of the 20th century, the acceptance of those with a homosexual disposition, as a minority group similar to other subcultures, became the norm in the entire western world. In accordance with that the Act on Radio and Television, also refers to "national, ethnic and other minority groups".
/7/ Non-Jews, a pejorative term.
/8/ The presentation of various quotes purportedly from the Talmud is a familiar anti-Semitic practice in presenting Jewish 'immorality'. These are, without exception, fraudulent and refer to secondary sources. Among the most frequently used among such works is a book written by August Rohling, Die Talmudjude (Münster: 1871), which had a particularly strong effect in Hungary. The other work often cited by Hungarian anti-Semites is Alfonz Luzsénszky, A Talmud magyarul 15 füzetben [The Talmud in Hungarian in 15 notebooks], Budapest: 1919.
/9/ Pál Lakatos's replacement from the position of chief editor at the Vasárnapi Újság [Sunday news]; the FTC-Fotex case; 'backhander' deals; globalisation which is bad for the Hungarians; the 'queer tent'; Israeli capital in Hungary; problems in the Middle East.
/10/ FTC or Fradi-Ferencvárosi Torna Club, a football team traditionally seen as 'the' Hungarian team was bought out by Fotex, the owner of MTK, a football team associated by many with the Jewish community of Budapest.
/11/ The Federation of Jewish Communities in Hungary.
/12/ Emil Bogdán, MIÉP MP (Nagyító, 23 July); Béla Gyori, MIÉP spokesman (Szép magyar sors, 23 July); Tamás Bánovics, MIÉP local government representative, Budapest (Közgyulési hírek, 24 July); László Bognár, MIÉP Vice President (Aktuálpolitikai Magazin, 25 July); László Zsinka, MIÉP local government representative, Budapest (Magyarok fovárosa -Budapesti híradó, 25 July); Jeno Perlaki, Fidesz-MPP local government representative, Budapest (Magyarok fovárosa-Budapesti híradó, 25 July); Péter Szentmihályi Szabó, MIÉP expert in foreign affairs and prospective MP for Zugló [a district of Budapest] (Pontos ido, 26 July); László Bognár, MIÉP Vice President (Hétfotol-péntekig, 28 July).
/13/ Hungarian Forum.
/14/ Weekly Answer, a weekly established under the incumbent government and funded with public money the responsible publisher of which is István Elek, media policy advisor to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.
/15/ See the program course for 25, 28 and 29 July.
/16/ § 4 (1) "Information on foreign and home events and debated issues of public interest should be multifaceted, factual, up-to-date, objective and balanced."
§ 4 (2) "The programming broadcast by a station or any of their associates, in its entirety, according to contents or genre should not serve a party, a political movement or their views."
/17/ MSZP-Hungarian Socialist Party.
/18/ SZDSZ-Free Democrats Party.
/19/ In Ez a beszéd, 26 July.
/20/ In the 22.00-24.00 telephone chat show on 27 July.
/21/ Editor-in-chief of the weekly show Vasárnapi Újság (Sunday News) on Hungarian Radio, a program criticised for its xenophobic views, who was dismissed by the institution's new president.
/22/ In the 22.00-24.00 telephone chat show on 27 July.
/23/ In Hungarian radical rightwhing journalism the Bornfman family is a frequently mentioned representative of international Jewsih capital, next to George Soros. See for example István Csurka's journalistic writings.
/24/ 'Weekly Seven', a political cabaret show on one of Hungary's commercial television channels that the rightwing press considers an advocate of left-liberal views.
/25/ In Futótuz, 24 July.
/26/ Former president of Hungarian Radio.
/27/ In Szép magyar sors, 23 July.
/28/ The international literature on anti-Semitism considers the independent function of anti-Zionism to be the presentation of anti-Semitic attitudes, viewed as taboo after the Holocaust, in a form suitable for polite society. See for example Helen Fein, "Contemporary Conflicts: How the Jewish Claims and Jewish Nationhood Affect Antisemitism?" in Helen Fein (ed.), The Persisting Question. Sociological Perspectives and Social Contexts of Modern Antisemitism, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York: 1987, pp 355-743.
/29/ In Szabad Magyarország hangja, 24 July.
/30/ The 'Jew' as the parasite of society; the alienness of the 'Jew'; the Jewish aim to grab Hungary; Jewish rule over the Hungarians; Jewish robber capitalism; Judeo-Bolshevism; etc.
/31/ In the telephone chat show on 27 July, 22.00-24.00.
/32/ Miklós Haraszti, a leading politician in the Free Democrats Association.
/33/ A Philosopher, formerly associated with the Free Democrats Association.
/34/ László Majtényi, a former ombudsman.
/35/ In Szabad Magyarország hangja, 24 July.
/36/ In op. cit.
/37/ See footnote 2.
/38/ In Ez a beszéd, 26 July.
/39/ See for example the text written by Gyozo Istóczy, "A drezdai elso nemzetközi antiszemita kongresszus manifesztuma" [The manifesto of the first international anti-Semite congress, Dresden] in Zoltán Bosnyák, Istóczy Gyozo élete és küzdelmei [The life and battles of Gyozo Istóczy], Budapest: 1940. Or see Mihály Kolosváry-Borcsa, A zsidókérdés magyarországi irodalma. A zsidóság szerepe a magyar szellemi életben. A zsidó származású írók névsorával. [The Hungarian literature on the Jewish question; The role of the Jewishness in the Hungarian intellectual sphere; With the list of authors with a Jewish origin], Budapest: 1943.
/40/ Hungarian Democrat, an extreme rightwing political weekly.
/41/ See footnote 22.

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